Thursday, October 30, 2014


By Bertrand Gruss 

It looks as if labor markets in Latin America have not been following the economic news—literally! Economic activity has slowed markedly in the last three years, with some South American countries slipping into outright recession more recently. Yet, labor markets still appear remarkably strong, with unemployment rates, in particular, hovering at record-low levels in most countries (Figure 1). So, what is going on? Has the region discovered how to defy the law of gravity?

ENG.WHD REO Fall.Chart 1

To analyze this apparent disconnect, we first scrutinize recent labor markets developments in more depth. We then assess to what extent these developments really deviate from historical patterns.  Overall, we find that labor markets are not as strong as they appear, and their behavior can in fact be reconciled with the weakness in economic activity. 

Some weakening beneath the surface

If we compare the evolution of labor market indicators in the first three quarters of 2014 with the average over 2011-13, we do find signs of weakening conditions across the region (Figure 2). Employment was still growing in 2014 in most countries (left panel), but generally at a softer pace than a few years ago (Uruguay stands out as having seen stronger employment growth more recently). In Brazil, job creation has stalled altogether.

ENG.WHD REO Fall.Chart 2

Even the historically low unemployment rates disguise some softening in recent months (middle panel). Specifically, unemployment rates were on a downward path in most countries in the region during 2011-13. This year, though, the record has become more mixed. While unemployment rates have continued to decrease in a few countries (Colombia, Brazil, Mexico, and Peru, though generally at a slower pace), they have started to edge up in several others (Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Ecuador, and Uruguay).

To be sure, the recent weakening of labor market conditions does not necessarily imply that these markets already have slack. In most Latin American countries, unemployment remains well below the long-term average or typical estimates of the natural rate (i.e. the rate consistent with non-accelerating inflation). And while real wage growth is slowing in most countries, it is still firmly in positive territory (right panel).

Not that different from historical patterns

Once we found that labor market conditions are indeed weakening, the question is whether we should have expected even greater weakness given the extent of the current economic slowdown.

We look at country-specific historical relationships between output and employment (a version of the so-called Okun’s Law), and find that employment growth in the four quarters through June 2014 was not stronger than expected for any of these countries (Figure 3, left panel). In fact, job creation fell significantly short of what economic activity would have predicted in some cases (Brazil and Mexico).

ENG.WHD REO Fall.Chart 3

Notwithstanding the still low unemployment rates, the change in unemployment dynamics for particular countries over the last year can also be broadly explained by output growth (right panel). The notable exception is Brazil, where by June 2014 the unemployment rate was about 1 percentage point lower than would have been expected given the economy’s sharp slowdown. The reason is a surprisingly large drop in labor participation (by about 1½ percentage points). If this drop in participation were to prove temporary, unemployment could increase rather quickly going forward.

Prospects and policy options

More generally, employment growth is likely to remain subdued for some time, as changes in labor markets typically lag those in the overall economy, and output growth is not expected to revert to the high rates of the “golden decade” anytime soon.

In this context, unemployment rates will probably rise somewhat and real wage growth may well moderate further. The resulting slower growth of aggregate wage income will make it increasingly difficult to sustain the pace of poverty reduction and other social achievements observed in previous years.

What can be done? The overwhelming priority across the region is to rekindle economic growth while preserving macroeconomic stability. Given that economic slack is still limited in most Latin American countries, there is little scope for demand-side stimulus, even less so in economies with weak fiscal balances.

Instead, the focus should be on reforms to foster higher productivity and create better conditions for private investment. Improvements in physical infrastructure, educational systems, and the general business environment are key priorities. Pursuing targeted reforms in these areas is the most promising avenue not only for reviving growth, but also for generating more and better-paid jobs over the medium term.

Hundreds of journalists and dissident bloggers have been killed in Latin America.   Kleptocrats shoot journalists in cold blood.  Fucking bastards of police and state mafia terrorize all private media.  They shoot journalists like horses. 

The global power elite has always worked closely with CIA, the U.S. State Department, and the Pentagon promoting the regime change in rogue states of Latin America that do not automatically align with the interests of the supranational global power elite that is deeply embedded inside private and public power structures.

For example, September 11th of 2013 marks the 40th anniversary of the CIA-backed, financed, and orchestrated overthrow and assassination of Chile’s democratically elected president, Salvador Allende.  Allende of Chile was replaced by a military junta headed by General Augusto Pinochet. At the time, private corporations like ITT worked hand in hand with CIA operatives promoting strikes, social turmoil and waging psychological warfare through the local media.

The 1970s and 1980s saw the Kissinger-designed and executed Condor Plan finance and diplomatically support various military coups and regimes not only in Chile but in Argentina, Bolivia, Uruguay, Paraguay and other countries in the region.  Such support for authoritarian and criminal regimes would only stop when some Latin American general like Argentina’s General Leopoldo Galtieri went too far by doing something really stupid, like Argentina’s 1982 invasion of the Falkland Islands.

Barring that, all those US-backed coups used local military strongmen trained in the US Military’s School of the Americas in Panama to do as they pleased in their local countries, as long as: (a) they kept those countries aligned to US geopolitical imperatives which during the Cold War meant being staunchly anti-Communist; (b) accepted Chicago-Boys-style financial dependency and artificially created public debts; (c) kept local populations in permanent fear and thus disciplined and orderly.

Since the fall of the former Soviet Union, however, these tactics changed dramatically. Now US control over Latin American countries is focused on promoting the kind of democracy the global power elite wants to see.  Such elite-controlled democracy is no democracy at all, but rather an obscene robbery and media clownery system that catapults the favorite candidates of the global power elite into local positions of power.

When the US has its way as in Mexico, Colombia, and Chile, and their candidates win local elections, then it’s all business as usual.  But when local populace elects presidents into power who prioritize the local national interest as in Ecuador (Rafael Correa), Bolivia (Evo Morales) and Venezuela (Hugo Chavez), then the regime change megajuggernaut comes into full action.


By Christine Lagarde

For almost half a century, Foreign Policy has been an indispensable voice in promoting global understanding and cooperation—in the service of diplomacy. This role has never been more important than today; a role that we are fortunate to have Foreign Policy play with such distinction.

I am glad to say that we are on the same side in this never-ending struggle for a better and more peaceful world. Throughout its 70-year history, the IMF has also sought to promote understanding and cooperation—economic diplomacy in the service of global financial stability.I am proud to lead this exceptional group of public servants, who strive tirelessly to support a global economy in which all nations and people can prosper.

When one speaks of diplomacy, political issues, conflicts typically come to mind. Yet, my experience is that economic issues often lie just beneath the surface of many political disputes and weave the fabric for many political solutions. The IMF is often involved in this interplay between economics and politics. 

As you know, the Fund was created in 1944 through far-sighted diplomacy, in which the United States played the leading role. As the heirs to the Bretton Woods legacy, we have every reason to claim that diplomacy is in our DNA.

The IMF’s stock in trade, of course, is economic expertise. However, we approach our work with the mindset of multilateralism: the idea that no nation can go it alone; that key policies spill over and back; that the best solutions are negotiated solutions; and that knowledge is to be shared. 

This is not a new idea. But it has undergone many changes, and I believe it needs to further evolve.

Tonight, I would like to discuss our multilateralism—the past, the present, and especially the future, where a multilateralism for the 21st Century is needed.

1. Multilateralism of the Past

First, the past. In 1944, the IMF’s founders had seen a half century of devastation. To avoid the same nightmare, they broke a fundamental link between economic isolationism, economic instability, and conflict.

In their new world, economic isolation would be replaced by cooperation, economic instability by prosperity, and war by peace. In this way, economists joined forces with traditional diplomats. It was the original multilateral moment.

That we regard such cooperation as a basic necessity today testifies to the success of this new approach then, even if the implementation proved challenging.

The commitment to cooperation through the Bretton Woods system was the foundation on which a new Europe rose from the rubble and ruins of war. I experienced it for myself: between 1950 and 1995, France’s per capita GDP rose nearly fivefold; Germany’s more than sevenfold.

And beyond Europe, throughout the world in the last 70 years, there has been more economic progress for more people than at any comparable period in history.

Multilateralism has been at the heart of it all. 

It supported the newly independent nations when the winds of change and decolonization blew through Africa and other parts of the developing world. When the Iron Curtain lifted, the international community lent expertise and financing to ease the transition to new market economies.

Cooperative efforts helped Latin America to emerge from its debt crisis in the ‘80s, and East Asia from its financial crisis in the ‘90s.

The same has been true in recent times: the Great Recession that began in 2008 did not become another Great Depression largely due to the bold, coordinated response from the international community—led by the G-20.

What lessons can we draw from this history? For me, a major one is that multilateralism lies behind the success of the good times and reduces the duration and intensity of the bad times.

It is the IMF’s raison d’être to promote this cooperation. We provide a unique platform for global economic dialogue; and we employ the instruments of our economic diplomacy—financing, analysis, technical assistance—to bolster confidence and galvanize action.

By design, we are expected to go into the most difficult economic situations. We are expected to be the first responders. We are expected to be the problem solvers. We may not always get it right first time, but we are always learning—and always trying to find solutions, and improve them. 

To paraphrase Woodrow Wilson, our job is to:

“… make the world safe for stable growth and prosperity.”

So this is where we have been: an IMF serving the broader interests of the international community since World War II.

Where are we now? That brings me to my second point—today’s multilateralism.

2. Multilateralism of the Present

I sometimes say, “This is not your father’s IMF.” It is certainly not your father’s world either—or your mother’s! Like many of you, we are dealing with problems with no easy answers. And yet we all must find answers.

What are some of today’s key economic challenges?

First, six years after the financial crisis hit, we still face the reality of a global economy struggling to regain cruising speed. I spoke at our recent Annual Meetings of the danger of a “New Mediocre”—the combination of anemic growth and weak job creation casting a dark cloud over the future. I am encouraged that our membership strongly agreed on policies to create “New Momentum”—including through growth- and job-friendly fiscal policies, structural reforms, and appropriate infrastructure investment.

Second, as this audience knows only too well, geopolitical problems compound our economic difficulties. 

    In Ukraine, for example, a young democracy is struggling to piece together an economy undermined by conflict and corruption. The IMF—once again playing the role of first responder—is providing policy and financial support to create the space for badly needed reforms, and thereby catalyze assistance from others. 

    In the Middle East, much of the hope engendered by the Arab Spring has vanished—in particular through conflict in Iraq, Syria, and Libya. Yet, with our partners, the Fund is actively supporting economic reform in Jordan, Morocco, Tunisia, and Yemen, including by making available over $9 billion in financing. In Egypt and elsewhere, our work to help build policymaking capacity aims to rekindle hope, especially for the young people of that region.

    In another fragile region, West Africa, it is Ebola that threatens to unravel hard-won stability. Working with the World Bank and others, we quickly disbursed $130 million in additional support to Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone—a unique feature of the Fund’s financing being that it reached those countries within a matter of days. Still, we all recognize that the international response continues to lag the spread of this devastating disease. The IMF is ready to do more. 

A “mediocre” global recovery. The intense confluence of politics and economics in various “hotspots.” Humanitarian disasters. Challenges like these can only be held at bay—they can only be overcome—through working together.

Indeed, cooperation is essential because even more complex issues loom on the horizon. This brings me to my third and final theme: the need for a “New Multilateralism” for the future.

3. Future Challenges and the New Multilateralism

One thing is certain: 21st Century challenges demand global solutions.

The model of Adam Smith’s “invisible hand”—where pursuing one’s own self-interest would also serve the collective interest—requires solid institutional underpinnings, such as the rule of law, a currency, a competition watchdog, to name a few.

On the international scene, these underpinnings are more tentative. Multilateral institutions such as the UN and the IMF have provided a global framework for the cooperation of sovereign states, and they have served their purpose well.

Yet, to me it looks more and more as if Adam Smith’s model is being turned upside down.

What do I mean?

Given the high degree of interconnectedness in the modern global economy, many of the challenges we face represent a collective threat, and call for a collective response. Rather than collective good arising out of self-interested action, it is only by acting collectively that an individual country’s self-interest can be achieved.

One obvious example is climate change. Cutting carbon emissions in an individual country cannot solve the problem while others pursue unchanged or opposite policies. Average temperatures are rising and so is the risk of more volatile agricultural output, more food and water insecurity, and more frequent natural disasters. All countries are vulnerable, and all countries must act collectively to tackle the issue. 

The same is true for other problems that are now becoming more visible:

    Increasing income inequality is being felt hard from the U.S. to China. Too many people feel left out, too many people feel frustrated. If not addressed, these challenges could lead to serious breakdowns in social and political cohesion. 
    There is the rising demand for better economic inclusion, hampered by gender inequality suffered by an estimated 865 million women who are being held back—ironically, in economies that need new productive forces.
    There is also sheer demographics: aging populations in some regions and huge bulges of young people in others. Some numbers: there were one billion people in Africa four years ago; that number could rise to 2.7 billion by 2050. Where will all the jobs come from? For the first time in history, the world will have more over 65 year olds than 5 year olds. Who will pay the pensions?

These are sobering issues in a world that is changing in so many other ways. Global supply chains and cross-border finance draw us closer day by day. A communications revolution connects billions and transports us instantly from Tahrir Square to trading floors and back.

Meanwhile, new centrifugal forces are at work: sectarian divisions, underground operations, non-state actors, shifting centers of power. How do we conduct economic diplomacy with a multitude of voices insisting on being heard—and at 140 characters a time?

Frankly, I am not sure how we will manage all these challenges. But I am sure that we can only do it by listening to each other, dreaming together, getting real together, and working together. 

What might a “new multilateralism” look like? 

    It needs to build on the institutions of cooperation that have already demonstrated their efficiency, credibility and representativeness—but these institutions must progress to constantly mirror changing global dynamics.
    It needs to harness the various dimensions of global solutions through cooperation between these institutions, without division, without turf battles, but with a true sense of partnership.
    It needs to find a way to include important new networks of influence that are bringing their voices to bear on major global issues—from inequality, to inclusion, to transparency, to the environment; it needs to do so without losing its efficiency.
    It needs, above all, to instill a broader sense of “civic responsibility” on the part of all players in the modern global economy, including the private sector, and specifically financial sector players. What I am talking about here is a renewed commitment to the global public good. What I am talking about here is the ability to define and identify the mutual interest and solutions that will serve the global public good.

Conclusion: Responsibility and Commitment

In concluding, I would like to remind us all of a responsibility—and a commitment—that can only be addressed in this very blog.

You may have heard this before, but please bear in mind a line by the late Richard Holbrooke:

“Diplomacy is like jazz: endless variations on a theme.”

So here it goes:

The international community has agreed to reform the IMF to increase the representation of the emerging market countries—more in line with their increased role in the global economy. The reforms would also help sustain the Fund’s capacity to meet the challenges ahead.

Once again, therefore, I would like to add my voice to that of virtually the entire IMF membership in calling upon the U.S. Congress to approve the 2010 quota and governance reforms. By this simple act of international solidarity, the U.S. will demonstrate the global leadership that it displayed so amply seventy years ago, and should continue to display.

On that note, it is fitting to recall the words of John Maynard Keynes at Bretton Woods. By constructing a new international world order at the end of World War II, he declared:

“The brotherhood of man will have become more than a phrase.”

We must avoid another “nightmare” and strive toward a better sisterhood—of man. I am a multilateralist by upbringing, conviction, and profession, and I am convinced that we cannot let those visions and expectations vanish and be squandered.



I consider the European Union null and void confederation, because Europeans did not vote for any constitutional treaty!  Eurokleptocrats pulled off the biggest powergrab in history by imposing a camouflaged constitution, bypassing all nonos. The Nazi dream for Europe was finally fullfilled - ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Fuehrer - one people, one empire, one leader. 

The Lisbon Treaty is Eurokleptocracy's Pyrrhic victory. It created a confederation, Fourth Reich, without a popular foundation. EU lacks legitimacy among Europeans. Eurokleptocrats created a situation where the citizens of slave States live their lives with a resigned feeling that the EU project is not their own. 

Fourth Reich is an illegal confederation that has no voted constitution, a flag no one salutes, an anthem no one sings, a Fuehrer no one can name, a parliament of prostitutes, a capital of huge bureaucracy no one controls, a currency that soon will not exist, rules of fiscal behavior that no member has been penalized for ignoring, a commission which is the Eldorado of corruption, brutal cybercops, and kleptocrats galore! 

Whenever the European Commission (EC) does something very stupid, it calls it smart.  Smart has become a European euphemism for very stupid!  EC declares the Cohesion Fund is smart.  But Cohesion Fund is taking money from the poor people of a rich EU country and giving it to the rich people of a poor EU country! 

EC considers spending smart!  But growth cannot come from government spending, but only from elimination of VAT and drastic reduction of taxes, regulation, licensure, bureaucracy, and political corruption.  Whenever EC squanders money, it calls it investment.  Investing is now an EC euphemism for squandering!



The main problem of Fourth Reich is the European economic and social system that spreads the cancer of socialism. The European Soziale Marktwirtschaft prefers social policy based on income redistribution to productive work. It prefers free-time and long holidays to hard work. It prefers consumption to investments, debts to savings, security to risk-taking.  

All of it is part of a broader civilizational and cultural problem, deeply rooted in the European continent or in most of its countries. It can't be exterminated overnight, it can't be changed as a result of one or another EU summit, it can't be changed by painless cosmetic changes. It requires a deep systemic change.  Most Europeans are disappointed in Fourth Reich. 

Europeans face three over-arching challenges: 23% VAT, huge taxation, and huge political corruption.  Nevertheless, Olli Rehn, Ole Ruin, declares we face three other over-arching challenges:  First, we need to find a solution to the challenge of sustainable growth. Second, we need to continue with on-going efforts to meet the challenge of fiscal sustainability. Third, we have to meet the challenge of rebuilding the Economic and Monetary Union.

Nigel Farage muses it is remarkable that the European Union got one trillion euros from EU taxpayers, despite the fact that the accounts are full of fraud. If this was a company, the directors, or in this case the Commission, would all be in prison.

Fourth Reich is run by uncharismatic bureaucrats. This is the fault of Eurokleptocrats who prefer to elevate weak figures, who won't meddle too much. 

Most Europeans are disappointed in Fourth Reich.  European commissioners have become bumptious bugaboos who offer no real service, but propaganda and obstacles. They make huge incomes for brainwashing us, giving us hard time, and boycotting our efforts for a free and happy life.  Laissez-nous faire, Let us do!  The European Commission is just an extra layer of government, an extra layer of oppression, an extra layer of bureaucracy, and extra layer of inertia.  Who needs that?


Though commissioners are supposed to do different things, they all do one single thing, spinning EU propaganda.  So in reality, Fourth Reich has 28 commissioners of propaganda, 28 Goebbelses!   Like Joseph Goebbels of Third Reich, they frequently deliver speeches on the benefits of Fourth Reich, but never about the costs.  Their disgusting daily propaganda costs many billions of euros, and it adds insult to injury.


The libertarians of eurozone wait for Scarlet Pimpernel to save them from the banking union, financial transactions tax, the huge taxation, the huge regulation, the 23% VAT, kleptocracy, antitrust armageddon, and the cancer of socialism. The League of the Scarlet Pimpernel, a secret libertarian society, rescues eurozone libertarians from the daily executions of the reign of socialistic terror. Legendary Scarlet Pimpernel took his nickname from the drawing of a small red flower with which he signs his messages.  Scarlet Pimpernel helps corporations move out of eurozone.  

Fourth Reich was not initiated on March 25, 1957 in Rome, but on August 10, 1944 in Strasbourg!  Fourth Reich originates from the Red House Report, a detailed account of a secret meeting at the Maison Rouge Hotel in Strasbourg, a couple of blocks from today's Eldorado of Prostitutes (EP), on August 10, 1944. There, Nazi officials instructed an elite group of German industrialists to plan for Germany's post-war recovery, prepare for the Nazis' return to power, and work for a strong Fourth Reich.

The three-page, closely typed report, marked Secret, copied by British spies and sent to the US Secretary of State, detailed how the industrialists were to work with the Nazi Party to rebuild Germany's economy by sending money through Switzerland. They would set up a network of secret front companies abroad, wait until conditions were right, and then grab power with various hoodwinking treaties.

Jean Monnet, founding father of Fourth Reich, says in a letter to a friend on April 13, 1952: Europe's nations should be guided towards the super-state without their people understanding what is happening. This can be accomplished by successive steps, each disguised as having an economic purpose, but which will eventually and irreversibly lead to federation.

You remember this quip from former Obama Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel during the financial crisis: You never want a serious crisis to go to waste.  What matters to statists is that they see an opportunity in a pseudocrisis to shape public perception and manipulate public opinion. The financial crisis yielded a government takeover of the financial sector. The healthcare pseudocrisis yielded a government takeover of the healthcare system.  What do you think Eurokleptocrats are going to do with the crisis of PIGS?   They’d be happy to transform the confederation of Fourth Reich to a federation.  You should take the blood libel seriously.

There are events in history known as false flag events. These are staged by a government usually to distress the public, so the government can do something that the public would otherwise disapprove.  The name is derived from the military concept of flying false colors; that is flying the flag of a country other than one's own. Lyndon Johnson’s phony Gulf of Tonkin pseudoevent started the Viet Nam War in 1964. This was deemed necessary to begin a full scale war with public approval and is now well documented as a false flag event. It never happened.  Now PIGS are the false flag to transform the confederation of Fourth Reich to a federation.

Fourthreichian fiscal union is the Trojan Horse for overall harmonization of economic rules, policies, and laws in Fourth Reich.  Any Eurozone problem is interpreted as a consequence of the lack of harmonization and leads to another wave of a creeping harmonization.  Fuehrer Merkollande frequently declares that coordinating tax policies and labor laws is not just about currency issues but also about political cooperation, which has to be deepened.  In other words, more enslavement to Brussels, transforming the confederation to a federation!

The current centralization of power to Brussels is based on an irrational but very easily embraced story that nation-states are responsible for wars. This is what the children are taught at schools. This is what Eurokleptocrats repeat when they run out of arguments. It is much worse than we assume, they probably even believe in it! We must patiently argue that the only guarantee for peace is democracy, freedom, and prosperity, not global governance.

In good economic weather, even morons could function. When bad weather came in, all the weaknesses, inefficiencies, discrepancies, imbalances and disequilibria became evident and the monetary union ceased to properly function. This can´t be considered a surprise. Eurokleptocrats did not want to take this into consideration. Their way of thinking was evidently based on a communist type of reasoning: economic laws do not exist, politics may dictate economics.

The most imminent issue which asks for being addressed now is the eurozone sovereign debt crisis. This crisis is the tip of a much bigger iceberg. The crisis in Europe goes much deeper. Crisis is a process of creative destruction. Not everything can be saved and maintained. Something must be destroyed or left behind in this process, especially the wrong ideas.  PIGS might have to be slaughtered.

We should get rid of utopian dreams, of irrational economic activities and of their promotion by European governments. Part of this implies that even some states must be left to fail, such as PIGS. Eurokleptocrats keep saying that such a solution would be costly. It is not true, the prolongation of the current muddling through is more costly. We have to explain to Eurokleptocrats that the costs they are afraid of are already here, the costs they have in mind are sunk costs already.

Fourth Reich should introduce radical systemic changes:

·        VAT and financial transactions tax must be abolished.
·        Europe has to get rid of the cancer of socialism.
·        Eurokleptocrats should not try to mastermind the markets, to micromanage the economy, to pseudoproduce growth by government stimuli and incentives.
·        Europe should start preparing comprehensive reductions of government spending.
·        Climate-scare mongers must be stopped from taking over much of EU economy under the banner of flawed ideas.
·        Europe should start decentralizing, deregulating, and desubsidizing its society and economy.
·        Europe should forget about fiscal union, banking union, and political union.
·        Europe should return to democracy which can exist only at the level of microstates.
·        Religion, state, justice, health, and education should be separated.
·        Government should not own any property.

EU is now the preserve of the 21st century’s DINOsaurs: Brussels’ oligarchs who are ‘Democrats in Name Only’, with a distinctly archaic approach to growth, as demonstrated by their desire to expand Fourth Reich east , despite being unable to deliver coherent prosperity in their own back yard. 

The European People’s Party (EPP) alongside the Socialist and Democrat (S&D) parties will maintain their longstanding grand coalition agreement despite the upsurge in Eurosceptic votes. Their kleptocratic coalition is a variant of electoral dictatorship: ramming through more regulations and above all, more Europe, at every turn. 

That the hoi polloi of Europe are clearly losing their enthusiasm for the Fourth Reich is irrelevant to the rather archaic structure of the European politburo, busy dictating daft centralized approaches to tractor production while competing economies are driven by high tech innovation.

Adding insult to injury in their contempt for European voters’ concerns, the DINOsaurs further endorse their self-imposed democratic deficit. After lavish dinners’ at taxpayers’ expense, EU leaders’ summits fudge candidates for the various presidencies and commissioner posts. Voters will, as always, be an afterthought in a process where only those pledging blind allegiance to the Europhile mania can be considered for high office. 

Welcome to business as usual in Fourth Reich. A once-mighty continent is regulating itself into irrelevance, demoting a once proud trading bloc to being a reich. Europe is stagnating under the thumb of a blind dictatorship of dinosaurs.  It is time for no more-Europe.


Your government is your #1 enemy.  Brutal police and kangaroo courts are tools to enslave you to your government.  But badges and benches do not grant extra rights. It’s your duty as a citizen to become a popopaparazzo, recording police misconduct. Use your smartphone to unmask cops, kangaroos, marilizards, godzillas, and other bastards of kleptocracy. 


EU practices double standards on civil rights.  It’s freakish for EU to interfere in the civil rights of foreigners, but condone the abuse of my civil rights, a citizen of EU!  EU should get its own house in order before lecturing others. EU should rein in barbaric Greece, the most corrupt country of Europe with prisoners of conscience, testilying police, malevolent prosecutors, perjurers, and stupidest jurists.   Basil Venitis,,

Greece is an incivil nation with kangaroo justice, overcriminalization, brutal police, huge political corruption, persecution of dissident bloggers, huge bureaucracy, huge taxation, and 23% VAT.  Freakish Graecokleptocrats use the kangaroo justice as a political tool to gag political opponents. 


I accuse the government of Greece for:

·        Persecuting me for four years

·        Stealing my life

·        Stealing my computer and files

·        Spreading lies about me on all Greek media

·        Using the kangaroo justice as a political tool

·        Postponing my trial eight times

·        Locking me in jail without toilet and pillow for a night

·        Taking away my hypertension pills

·        Making me urinate in a bottle

·        Humiliating me with handcuffs, fingerprints, and mug shots


The political philosopher Edmund Burke once remarked that all that is necessary for the triumph of evil is for good folks to do nothing. A glaring example is my persecution by the government of Greece, which grossly violates my civil rights.


Martin Niemöller said:  First they came for the Socialists, and I did not speak out, because I was not a Socialist.  Then they came for the Trade Unionists, and I did not speak out, because I was not a Trade Unionist.  Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out, because I was not a Jew. Then they came for me, and there was no one left to speak for me!


It’s been now four years since the government of Greece stole my life, my computer, and my files.  Nobody cares, nobody gives a damn!  I have done absolutely nothing, and I am being persecuted by the Greek government without any real reason.  My ordeal is against all rules of civil society and treaties that Greece has signed.  Greece, a corrupt country without a functioning justice system, has gone bananas.  Graecokleptocrats use the kangaroo justice as a political tool to gag political opponents.   Graecokleptocrats think the laws exist to give them whatever they want!   Basil Venitis,,




On October 18, 2010, a gang of six brutal cops of the violent Greek Cyber-Crime Unit (CCU), a real godzilla, supervised by a dishonest prosecutor, a disgusting liar, raided my home in Athens and stole my computer, software, files, documents, and personal data.


The brutal policemen locked me in jail for a night, they humiliated me with handcuffs, fingerprints, mug shots, and lies, leaked false information to the media parrots, and the corrupt Greek government initiated sham ex-officio court proceedings for a stack of freakish trumped-up charges!


There was neither pillow nor toilet facility in my jail cell. I had to urinate in a bottle!  I, a 69-years-old man with high blood pressure, was not allowed to keep my hypertension pills with me. There was neither toilet paper nor soap in the whole CCU jail.


Greece, a country of infinite political corruption, perjury, injustice, and brutal police, must be revamped.  Ex-officio law suit, αυτεπαγγελτος, the most dreadful word in justice, means the state sues somebody without involvement of the accuser.  This terrible scheme has been used by the corrupt Greek government to persecute me. 


Mariliza Xenogiannakopoulou, Alternate Minister of Foreign Affairs, sued me, and she wouldn’t show up in court, because the corrupt state took over her position! 



At the ex-officio law suit, the accuser just hits and runs!  This hit-and-run justice is the most disgusting kangaroo justice on Earth.  The accused must be in a position to face his accuser eyeball to eyeball. The right to confront and cross-examine one’s accuser is a sign of civility. The malicious accuser slings false accusations against you, the state takes over, the accuser disappears from the court, and the trial is postponed infinite times!  This is penalty of the presumed innocent.  This is penalty without trial.  This is kangaroo justice of Third World countries!  This is barbarity and brutality, pure and simple. Shame, shame, shame on corrupt Greece.



Please email appeals to

·        Calling for the immediate stop of the persecution of Basil Venitis.

·        Stating that you believe these trumped-up charges to be politically motivated and intended to prevent him exercising his right to freedom of expression against political corruption.

·        Seeking assurances that the civil rights of Basil Venitis will always be respected.